Nuclear Deal Essay Example

Nuclear Deal Essay Nucle The Implications for the Indo-U. S. CivilNuclear Deal Justine Isola Justine Isola is Visiting International Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi August 26, 2010 Summary By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years are not high. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998 with five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan, then conversations on the implications for the Indo-U. S. ivil-nuclear deal will begin. The record of debate on testing during negotiations reflects the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But it also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thorny issue. Studying the finely wrought language of the deal reveals some persisting ambiguity about how the deal would be affected if India were to resume testing.However, in the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that several factors will play into determining U. S. response: the preferences of U. S. leaders, domestic lobbying, and geopolitical balance of power considerations. This response will be constrained by the strength of the U. S. -India relationship. Further, due to Indias deepening nuclear ties with the rest of the world, any U. S. response may have only a modest impact on India. If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 2 e The conclusion of the Indo-U. S. civil-nuclear deal in the fall of 2008 arked the end of three years of negotiations between the U. S. and India. Completion of the deal should not, however, obscure the history of domestic debate within the U. S. and India on how the terms of the deal apply. One issue on which lack of consensus notably persists within the U. S. is how the deal would be affected by India testing a nuclear weapon. As a Carnegie Endowment pub lication released during the thick of negotiations predicted, on the topic of nuclear testing, â€Å"[t]he ambiguities of this agreement invite future disputes and recriminations. 1 More recently, a Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder on the deal echoed this sentiment, referring to the repercussions of testing as â€Å"a potential area of dispute. †2 Examining U. S. laws on nuclear exports and cooperation suggests that the President would have to take some mandatory steps in response to a test. But (s)he would also have some discretionary authority. Looking at public statements and government debate on the issue of testing when Congress was negotiating the terms of the deal only underscores this lingering uncertainty about what India can expect from the U.S. if it resumes testing. However, several factors will certainly play into determining whether testing would jeopardize the agreement: who is in power in Washington, the strength of domestic interest groups, and bala nce of power geopolitics. Analysis of these factors suggests that the increasingly close ties between the U. S. and India may leave the U. S. with limited options for influencing India’s behaviour. Burgeoning nuclear ties between India and the rest of the world may further mean that the end of U. S. nuclear cooperation would have only a modest impact on India.The letter of the law U. S. President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Singh’s July 18, 2005, joint statement on civilian nuclear cooperation ushered in a heated debate between their two governments on the terms of this partnership. 3 Testing emerged as one of the most contentious issues from the start. Despite Prime Minister Singh’s promise in the joint statement to continue India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing, many non-proliferation advocates in the U. S. were unhappy that the proposed agreement on cooperation did not explicitly prohibit Indian testing.The stakes were nuclear escalation in an unstable South Asia and the spectre of Indian testing triggering global proliferation. Some noted that the terms of 1 See chart accompanying Sharon Squassoni’s â€Å"Issues in U. S. -India Nuclear Cooperation,† Proliferation Analysis, November 7, 2007, http://www. carnegieendowment. org/npp/publications/ index. cfm? fa=view;id=19697. Jayshree Bajoria and Esther Pan, â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Backgrounder, Council on Foreign Relations, Updated November 20, 2009, http://www. cfr. org/publication/9663/ usindia_nuclear_deal_html. Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,† July 18, 2005, http://www. armscontrol. org/print/3292. 2 3 IDSA Issue Brief 3 the deal could in fact make it easier for India to test. 4 Others simply saw not tying the deal to India signing the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty as a missed opportunity for nonproliferation. 5 They pushed for stronger language on the consequences of test ing. It was against this backdrop that Congress was conducting hearings on amending U. S. domestic law to loosen nuclear export legislation — the first hurdle to approving the civil-nuclear deal.The U. S. Atomic Energy Act (AEA) requires a formal agreement delineating the terms of civil-nuclear cooperation and stipulates that several criteria be met before such a â€Å"123 agreement† —so-called after section 123 of the Act — can go into effect. Congress had to exempt the proposed U. S. -India 123 Agreement from some of those criteria. Specifically, Congress had to excuse India from full-scope safeguards on all of its nuclear facilities and allow exports even though India had tested nuclear weapons in 1998. These were two equirements negotiators recognized early on as impossible to meet. 6 President Bush signed the Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act into law on December 18, 2006, granting the above exemptions and preli minary approval to the civil-nuclear deal. This legislation arguably comes down clearly on the consequences of future tests: It specifies that all waivers â€Å"shall cease to be effective if the President determines that India has detonated a nuclear explosive device after the date of the enactment of this title. 7 And it does not exempt India from an Atomic Energy Act provision that in the event of a test, a partner country must return nuclear material and equipment acquired through trade. 8 Of course, the President retains the authority subsequently to waive the AEA’s termination of cooperation requirements if he determines that the â€Å"cessation of such exports would be seriously prejudicial to the achievement of United States non-proliferation objectives or otherwise jeopardize the common defence and security. †9 Whether or not the U. S. 4See Michael Krepon’s comments at Arms Control Association briefing, â€Å"The Senate and the U. S. Indian Nuclear De al: Issues and Alternatives,† November 14, 2006, http://www. armscontrol. org/ print/3230. See Paul K. Kerr, â€Å"U. S. Nuclear Cooperation with India: Issues for Congress,† Congressional Research Service, November 5, 2009, p. 14. Kerr, p. 33. See section 106 â€Å"Inoperability of Determination and Waivers† of Henry J. Hyde United StatesIndia Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006. See section 123(a)(4) of the Atomic Energy Act. Kerr, p. 32. 5 6 7 8 9 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 4 e would in fact require India to return all transferred materials could well depend on what was transferred. If for example, India had only received supplies inconsequential for proliferation at the time of termination, the U. S. would not likely require the return of materials. But the Hyde Act and the Atomic Energy Act clearly provide Congress with unambiguous grounds (some would say mandatory obligations) for ending the deal and req uiring India to return nuclear material if India were to again test weapons.In debating the Hyde Act, the U. S. Congress also addressed concerns that the civil-nuclear deal would make it easier for India to test. For example, then-Senator Obama had proposed an amendment to the bill to â€Å"clarify United States policy in order to deter nuclear testing by foreign governments. †10 This amendment, which encourages limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves in order to make testing more difficult in the event of a cut-off of supplies, appeared in the final version of the Hyde Act as Section 103 (b) (10). 1 Following passage of the Hyde Act, the next hurdle to wrapping up the civil-nuclear deal was garnering Congressional approval for the 123 Agreement reached between leaders in Washington and New Delhi in July 2007. The 123 Agreement’s language on testing is not as clear-cut as that of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts. 123 agreements usually explicitly prohibit testing. But In dia had successfully prevented the agreement from including language explicitly stating that renewed nuclear testing would lead to termination of U. S. supplies.The provisions of the 123 Agreement thus raised some questions about whether the U. S. would in fact act decisively were India to test. 12 Congress scrutinized the 123 Agreement’s compliance with the testing provisions of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts, focusing on the following passages: The 123 Agreement states that â€Å"[e]ither Party shall have the right to terminate this Agreement prior to its expiration on one year’s written notice to the other Party. †13 10 â€Å"United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act,† Congressional Record, November 16, 2006, p. S10985.For more on Senator Obama’s positions on the civil-nuclear deal see Brahma Chellaney, â€Å"Obama’s India-Nuclear Legacy,† Asian Age, June 18, 2008, http:// chellaney. spaces. live. com/blog/cns! 49 13C7C8A2EA4A30! 622. entry. Section 103(b)(10) of the Hyde Act states, â€Å"Any nuclear power reactor fuel reserve provided to the Government of India for use in safeguarded civilian nuclear facilities should be commensurate with reasonable reactor operating requirements. † Chellaney’s article is the source for information about Obama’s amendment appearing in the final version of the bill.For further discussion of perceived inconsistencies between the Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement, see Proceedings of the Brookings Institution, July 30, 2008, Washington, D. C. â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Agreement,† participants Stephen P. Cohen, Strobe Talbott, R. Nicholas burns, and Robert Einhorn, http://www. scribd. com/doc/6397716/Steve-P-Cohen-The-USIndia-NuclearAgreement-the-Brookings-Institution. All citations from version of â€Å"Agreement for Cooperation Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of India Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (123 Agreement)† released by U. S.Department of State, August 3 2007, merln. ndu. edu/archivepdf/ india/State/90157. pdf. 11 12 13 IDSA Issue Brief 5 However, the agreement advises both the U. S. and India to â€Å"consider the relevant circumstances† and â€Å"take into account whether the circumstances that may lead to termination or cessation resulted from a Party’s serious concern about a changed security environment or as a response to similar actions by other States which could impact national security. † Further, the agreement urges both countries to â€Å"recognize that exercising the right of return† to compel India to send back any nuclear material acquired from the U.S. â€Å"would have profound implications for [U. S. -India] relations. † Finally, the agreement also spells out how the U. S. would help India work with other countries on ensuring its fuel supply if the U. S. were to cease supplying to India. 1 4 Such stipulations provide manoeuvring room for India to defend a decision to test as a response to a new security threat from countries such as China or Pakistan and arguably, for the U. S. to find creative ways to respond. Primary sources from when Congress was conducting hearings on the deal offer some clues to how the U.S. could interpret the above language in future scenarios. For example, correspondence between Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Tom Lantos and State Department assistant secretary for legislative affairs Jeffrey T. Bergner reflects Congressional concern about what was left unsaid in the 123 Agreement. In response to the question â€Å"Would any of these commitments continue to apply if India detonated a nuclear explosive device? If so, under what circumstances? †, the State Department offered reassurances that the U.S. would have the right to cease nuclear cooperation with India â€Å"immediately. †15 In response to concern that t he fuel supply assurances would mitigate the effects of U. S. cut-off, the State Department clarified that the purpose of these assurances was to â€Å"guard against disruptions of fuel supply to India that might occur through no fault of India’s own. †16 In response to a question about how provisions for a â€Å"lifetime† supply for India’s safeguarded reactors was consistent with Senator Obama’s amendment on limiting fuel 14 The United States will support an Indian effort to develop a strategic reserve of nuclear fuel to guard against any disruption of supply over the lifetime of India’s reactors. If despite these arrangements, a disruption of fuel supplies to India occurs, the United States and India would jointly convene a group of friendly supplier countries to include countries such as Russia, France and the United Kingdom to pursue such measures as would restore fuel supply to India,† Ibid. â€Å"Questions for the Record submit ted to Assistant Secretary Bergner by Chairman Tom Lantos House Committee on Foreign Affairs,† October 5, 2007, Question 16.Ibid. , Questions 17 and 18. 15 16 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 6 e reactor reserves, the State Department replied simply, â€Å"[w]e do not read these provisions to be inconsistent. †17 Finally, when asked why the agreement does not contain â€Å"explicit† language on â€Å"actions that would give the U. S. the right to terminate nuclear cooperation† in the event of a test, the State Department answered that the agreement â€Å"provides for a clear right for the U. S. o terminate nuclear cooperation and a right to require the return of equipment and materials subject to the agreement in all of the circumstances required under the Atomic Energy Act, including if India detonated a nuclear explosive device†¦Ã¢â‚¬ 18 These exchanges offer some insight into how the U. S. could interpret the provisions on testing and termination in the various components of the civil-nuclear deal should India ever again test. In underscoring the U. S. right to end cooperation and request the return of nuclear materials, the State Department does not specify whether such a response would be mandatory.Eleventh-hour controversy and persisting post-deal ambiguities The clarifications provided by the State Department did not put an end to debate about Indian testing. In fact, the testing controversy remained live even after President Bush signed the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Nonproliferation Enhancement Act, the legislation that approved the 123 Agreement. For example, before sending the bill to the President, the Senate rejected an eleventh-hour amendment to end nuclear exports if India were to test nuclear weapons. 19And even so, the Indian government was taking no chances.Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had arrived in New Delhi several days after Congress a pproved the bill and was expected by many to get Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee’s signature on the agreement. 20 But the Indian government insisted that President Bush sign first, reportedly in the hope that Bush would make a final statement speaking to India’s concerns about continued fuel supplies if India were to conduct a test. 21 On October 8, 2008, President Bush signed the bill without the much-sought after explicit language on the repercussions of testing.In his statement, he noted simply that the legislation authorizing the 123 Agreement â€Å"does not change the 17 18 19 Ibid. , Question 19. Ibid. , Question 35. Bajoria and Pan. Amendment was S. AMDT. 5683 to H. R. 7081 â€Å"To prohibit nuclear trade with India in the event that India detonates a nuclear weapon and to impose certain certification, reporting, and control requirements. † The amendment was introduced and rejected on October 1, 2008. The Senate passed H. R. 7081 the same day. R ama Lakshmi, â€Å"Glitch Delays Signing of India Nuclear Pact,† The Washington Post, October 5, 2008. Ibid. 20 21IDSA Issue Brief 7 fuel assurance commitments that the United States Government has made to the Government of India, as recorded in [the agreement]. †22 Just weeks after Bush signed the 123 Agreement, The Washington Times ran an editorial chastising his administration and Congress for approving the deal and urging the incoming Obama administration to end cooperation if India were to resume testing. 23 Citing â€Å"serious concerns† about the deal’s compliance with the standards of the Hyde Act, the authors argued that â€Å"the next administration must make it clear that conditionality or not, the U.S. will cut off nuclear supplies if India conducts another test. † 24 The Obama administration has not released such a statement. More recently, disagreement on the testing issue contributed to delays resolving the latest successfully conclud ed aspect of the nuclear deal — the terms of the agreement that will allow India to reprocess spent fuel. In an April 5, 2010, interview, the Carnegie Endowment’s Mark Hibbs was asked about what would happen to the reprocessing agreement if India were to test a nuclear weapon. Hibbs explained that lthough â€Å"[t]he arrangements do not explicitly state that an Indian nuclear test would be grounds for suspending U. S. consent to reprocessing †¦ the United States could base suspension upon its determination that a test constituted a serious threat to U. S. national security. †25 An Arms Control Association report on the terms of the reprocessing agreement clarifies how the repercussions of testing could play out, citing the language of the agreement: The â€Å"sole grounds† for seeking suspension are â€Å"exceptional circumstances limited to† a determination by either party that â€Å"continuance of reprocessing of U.S. -obligated material at the Facility would result in a serious threat to the Party’s national security† and a determination that â€Å"suspension is an unavoidable measure. †26 The testing issues, it appears, will not be laid to rest anytime soon. Forecasting U. S. response The above overview provides ample evidence of the primacy of the testing issue in negotiations about the civil-nuclear deal and persisting post-deal ambiguities. As this analysis demonstrates, despite vigorous debate and careful examination of the language of each component of the deal, U.S. response to an Indian test is arguably uncertain. Those who want to predict U. S. response should also be mindful that whatever the deal 23 Lawrence J. Korb and Winny Chen, â€Å"U. S. must suspend deal if India tests another nuke,† The Washington Times, November 11, 2008. Ibid. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/ publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. Daniel Horner, Arms Control Today, â€Å"India, U. S. Agree on Terms for Reprocessing,† May 2010, http://www. rmscontrol. org/act/2010_05/US-IndiaReprocessing). 24 25 26 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 8 e says, the president and a simple majority in Congress could enact freestanding legislation to end cooperation. 27 For these reasons, in addition to mining the relevant legislation to identify triggers for termination, onlookers should consider how factors such as the makeup of leadership in Washington, pressures from domestic interest groups, and geopolitical context could play a decisive role in shaping this response.Who’s in power in Washington – Studying the copious record of debate on testing is a reminder of the fact that the Bush administration and Congress did not see eye to eye on all aspects of the deal. With a new president and newly elected members of Congress, some of these fault lines may again appear in the future. President Obama’s statements and positions as a senator give reason to believe he would favour acting decisively if India were to test. Some observers have even contended that the Obama administration has been deliberately slow to implement the civil-nuclear deal, perhaps reflecting residual opposition to its terms. 8 If the American public does not re-elect Obama for a second term, this calculus would shift. Turnover in Congress after the upcoming midterm elections could also shake things up. Domestic interest groups – No matter who is in the White House, any President deciding whether or not to terminate cooperation would want to factor into consideration the growing influence of the Indian American lobby in the U. S. and its perception of a U. S. response. 29 The deal signified an elevation of U. S. -India partnership. Ending the deal could be similarly symbolically significant. Business interests will also shape th e nature of U. S. esponse. Some critics of the nuclear deal have long held that business interests drove the initiative. 30 And economic self-interest could certainly reduce the likelihood of U. S. termination. American companies such as GE Hitachi and Westinghouse that are poised to construct nuclear reactors in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat will not want to be cut out of Indian markets. 31 According to a U. S. -India trade group, such business may be worth $130 billion by 2030. 32 27 See Michael A. Levi and Charles D. Ferguson, â€Å"U. S. India Cooperation: A Strategy for Moving Forward,† CSR No. 16, June 2006, Council on Foreign Relations, p. 9. Raja Karthikeya, â€Å"India’s CTBT debate: Conviction or Con‘fusion,’† published on the website of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (http://csis. org), Sept. 28, 2009. For coverage of the growing influence of the Indian American lobby see Mira Kamdar, â€Å"Forget the Israel Lobby. The H ill’s Next Big Player Is Made in India,† The Washington Post, September 30, 2007, http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/28/ AR2007092801350. html. See for example J. Sri Raman, â€Å"The U. S. -India nuclear deal – one year later,† Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 1, 2009, http://www. hebulletin. org/web-edition/features/the-us-indianuclear-deal-one-year-later. Randy Woods, â€Å"India names sites to host reactors by GE Hitachi, Westinghouse,† Nucleonics Week, October 22, 2009. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. 28 29 30 31 32 IDSA Issue Brief 9 Balance of power geopolitics – Concern about preserving the balance of power in Asia and assessing the motives that may have led India to test in the first place will also play a role in determining U.S. response to an Indian test. India may in the future want to expand its nuclear arsenal or increase the credibility of its thermonuclear deterrent in response to developments in neighbouring countries. If India were to test following overt territorial aggression by China or Pakistan, then it is probable the U. S. government would indeed excuse Indian tests. If India were to test in the wake of testing by China or Pakistan, it is again possible that the U. S. would tolerate a reciprocal act, though it is hard to imagine officials in Washington not feeling compelled to respond in some shape or form.It should also be noted that the U. S. will probably have to impose sanctions on India regardless of what steps (if any) it takes with respect to ending nuclear cooperation. The Glenn Amendment to the Arms Export Control Act mandates that the U. S. cease assistance to any non-nuclear weapons state involved in the transfer or use of a nuclear explosive device, although the president has authority to dela y imposing sanctions if he deems they would be â€Å"detrimental to the national security of the United States† and waive them entirely with Congress’s approval. 3 This was the law triggered in 1998 when India conducted five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan. But the impact of such sanctions has been debated. 34 The political will to maintain sanctions against India (and Pakistan, which had conducted its own nuclear tests following India’s tests) seems to have been lacking as penalizing India became less important than securing business opportunities and India’s partnership on emerging regional security concerns. Congress repealed sanctions against India less than two years after they went into effect. 5 As the above snapshots of the factors that could determine a U. S. response to Indian testing suggest, people-to-people, business, and security ties between the U. S. and India have only grown since then. These factors (with the exception of t he make-up of U. S. leadership) demonstrate the ways in which U. S. response to Indian testing could be complicated by the transformation of the U. S. -India relationship since the end of the Cold War. Increasing partnership may limit the scenarios under which the U. S. would end the civil-nuclear deal or take supplementary steps such as imposing sanctions.Why ending the deal may not matter to India Understanding how India will be impacted by a U. S. response to testing is as important 33 See Section 102(b) of the Arms Control Export Act. India is a non-nuclear weapons state as defined by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. For a comprehensive discussion of the impact of the 1998 sanctions against India and Pakistan see Robert M. Hathaway, â€Å"Confrontation and Retreat: The U. S. Congress and the South Asian Nuclear Tests,† Arms Control Today, January/February 2000, http://www. armscontrol. org/act/2000_0102/rhjf00. Ibid. 34 35 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo- U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 10 e considering the nature of the response. There is good reason to believe that India would as not be adversely affected by a cut-off of U. S. nuclear supplies. Even if the U. S. stops nuclear cooperation with India, several other countries are poised to step in and begin exporting fuel and technology to India. Shortly before Congress approved the deal, the Nuclear Supplies Group agreed to exempt India from the usual rules governing global nuclear trade, freeing India to cooperate with other NSG member states on nuclear trade.India currently has bilateral nuclear agreements in place with the U. S. , France, Russia, Kazakhstan and Canada. 36 The NSG exemption opening up trade with India may in fact be the most significant legacy of the civil-nuclear deal. As George Perkovich explains, â€Å"[i]f India were to test a nuclear device after several years of receiving fuel imports, it would be able to withstand interruption of foreign fuel supplies, especially if in the intervening period India increases its own uranium mining operations. 37 This analysis suggests that Senator Obama was prescient when pushing for limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves. In the future, however, cut-off of U. S. supplies may not be a sufficient tool for preventing Indian proliferation. Conclusion By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years have never been high, deal or no deal. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998, then conversations on the implications for the deal will undoubtedly be about more than its finely wrought language.The above record of debate on testing speaks to the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and to the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But the end result of those negotiations also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thor ny issue. In the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that the preferences of U. S. eaders, domestic lobbying, and geopolitical balance of power considerations will play a role in determining U. S. response. The effect of that response on an India that is itself deepening ties with the U. S. and diversifying its partnerships is equally worth contemplating. 36 Urjit R. Patel, â€Å"Crucial Deadline for Nuclear Energy Business in India,† The Brookings Institution, http://www. brookings. edu/opinions/2010/0817_nuclear_energy_india_patel. aspx. George Perkovich, â€Å"Global implications of the U. S-India deal,† Daedalus, Winter 2010, p. 26. 37

How Augustine accounts for the existence of evil Essay Example

How Augustine accounts for the existence of evil Essay Example How Augustine accounts for the existence of evil Paper How Augustine accounts for the existence of evil Paper Augustine started from the assumption that God is God holy good and that God created a world free from defects. Following the teaching in genesis 1, Augustine emphasised that all God has made pleased Him. Suffering and evil were therefore unknown. He made the logical point that it is not possible for God to be responsible for evil since evil is not a substance. Instead evil refers to what is lacking in a thing; it is a privation of good. Augustine used the analogy of blindness which is not an entity in itself but an absence of sight. If God can not have created evil, Augustine traced its origin to those areas within the world that have free will, namely, angels and human beings. These abused Gods gift of freedom and chose wilfully to turn their attention away from God, the supreme good, and to idolise instead lesser goods. In keeping with the story of the fall in genesis 3, he argued that the desire for power proved too much for Adam and Eve, who were tempted by Satan, to break Gods command and eat the forbidden fruit from the tree of knowledge. Having explained the origin of evil, Augustine went on to show that all suffering is a fully deserved consequence of human sin. Natural evil originated from the loss of order within nature following the first sin. This destroyed the delicate balance of the world. From then on, there was to be enmity between humans and other creatures. Humans would have to battle constantly to grow enough food. Pain, such as that resulting from child-birth, entered the world, along with death. The first sin also caused the world to be distanced from god. In this new ad damaged environment, remote from god, moral evil flourished and spread. Both types of evil are interpreted as a punishment; all evil is either sin or punishment for sin. Augustine made the essential point that all humans, including innocent babies, deserve to suffer as all humans were present in the loins of Adam. This reflects the ancient belief that every generation was seminally present in Adam, and therefore that every generation is guilty because they inherit his guilt for disobeying god. Augustine concluded this theodicy with a reminder of gods grace if god was simply just every one would go to their rightful punishment in hell. Through his grace however, god sent his son to die on the cross so that some might be saved and go to heaven. This shows that god is merciful as well as just. Augustines view that evil is the result of human free will rather than gods will can be supported. For example, we can argue that if god gives human beings genuine free will this necessarily entails the possibility of moral evil. Augustines theodicy successfully accounts for the existence of natural evil as a result of the introduction for moral evil into the world. We can also support Augustines assumptions that free will is so valuable that it justifies the risk of evil. Because of its compatibility with, and reliance upon, the genesis account of creation, Augustines theodicy appeals to Christians who accept the authority of the bible as the word of god. Some weaknesses of the theodicy are that it has been argued that his theodicy contains; logical errors, scientific errors, and moral errors. Augustines appeal to the free will defence poses a logical difficulty within the specific framework of his theodicy. It is hard to see how, in a perfect world, where there was no knowledge of good and evil, there could possibly be freedom to obey or disobey god, since good and evil would be unknown. The fact that gods creatures chose to disobey him seems to suggest there was already a knowledge of evil which only could have come from god. The scientific difficulties stem from Augustines reliance upon the creation and fall stories in genesis. As a result, much of the arguement rests upon ancient and scientifically controversial Judaeo-Christian theology. One problem is Augustines idea that the world was made perfect by god and then damaged by humans. This contradicts evolutionary theory which asserts that the universe has continually been developing from an earlier stage of chaos. The second major weakness concerns Augustines assumption that each human being was seminally present in Adam. This theory must be rejected on biological grounds which mean that we are not in fact guiltily for Adams sin. This means that god is not just in allowing us to suffer for someone elses sin. One moral difficulty in Augustines theodicy concerns his concept of hell. Hell appears to b part of the design of the universe. This means god must have already anticipated that the world would go wrong and have accepted it. Finally, although Augustine argued that gods selection of some people for heaven shows his mercy, other would argue that it displays irrational inconsistency, further questioning gods goodness. The combined effect of these criticisms leads most people to concluded that Augustines theodicy does not work.

Is that possible all students and techers or professers have a healthy Research Paper

Is that possible all students and techers or professers have a healthy insurance from their university or college - Research Paper Example The students as well as the professors spend the maximum time of their day in the college or the university which enhance the probability of accidents, being the main reason why health insurance is not only a possibility rather a necessity. Firstly, as a general rule health coverage is found to be directly correlated with better health outcomes amongst individuals (Bovbjerk & Hadley 2007), this being the main reason for acquiring a reliable insurance plan. Students and even professors work under high pressure situations in a competitive college environment which increases the risks of acquiring health problems. Thus, the need for a reliable health insurance plan by the universities increases as better health outcomes will lead to a high production. Nowadays, the cost for education is being increased by every passing day which puts a lot of pressure on the students. Besides, there is a lot of competition in the job market which further stresses out the students. An average student is found struggling to balance school life, work life and the social life which increases the risks of anxiety and depression. To counter this condition, universities and colleges should ensure a health insurance plan along with regular checku ps as basic requirements to make sure that the students are in best health. Secondly, depending on the degree and the college environment, various activities pose different threats to the health of an individual (Baker 2010). For instance, sports are the basic components of the school as well as university life of many students. Some of these sports are highly aggressive in nature and chances are that a severe injury might occur. It is the sole responsibility of the college in this case to keep the students covered under a reliable health insurance policy. Also, students conducting experiments in the lab handling highly toxic chemicals are also at a high risk of getting mild injuries. In such a scenario, the college or the university is responsible

The Tragedy of Macbeth Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

The Tragedy of Macbeth - Essay Example Macbeth’s guilt and his words demonstrate that he knows it is an evil act he and his wife have plotted and are talking about in this scene, but having been approached in Act 1, Scene 3 by the Weird Sisters, the three witches, who, before disappearing, give Macbeth their prophesies as to his ascension to the King’s throne, Macbeth seems to reconcile himself to the fact that he must murder the King and fulfill the prophesies. The seed of what is to come has been planted in Macbeth’s mind, and that it is prophesized by the three withes, in Macbeth’s mind, makes it somewhat of a done deed. It is at this point that Scene 1, Act 1 becomes vitally important, because it is in that scene that the withes meet and talk about their ideas, and upon departing the third witch declares, â€Å"Fair is foul, and foul is fair,† which sets the stage for the notion that for every action there is a reaction. Though the result of â€Å"fair is foul,† as it certainly is in the mind of Lady Macbeth in Act 1, Scene 7, there is, too, the end result of what is â€Å"foul is fair,† which is what Macbeth seems to be concerned about in Act 1, Scene 7, when he says, â€Å"False face must hide what the false heart knows.† This, as Macbeth resolves himself to what he is about to do to his kind and friend, Duncan, knowing that it is evil, and his face must not betray what his mind knows lest his evil be detected. There is a balance in the universe that comes from the concept of the idea that for every action there is a reaction, or a balance. Act 1, Scene 7 prepares us for that which will be the reaction to the couple’s murder, in that Macbeth’s troubled conscious will manifest itself in a way that brings physical and mental distress to Macbeth. His wife, who denies her conscious in this scene, will suffer equally great physical and mental distresses. Avarice, the basis for the pair’s evil, will meet with the balancing

Identifying, Organizing, and Analyzing Your Sources Essay Example for Free

Identifying, Organizing, and Analyzing Your Sources Essay Each statement below contains a logical fallacy. Identify the fallacy and briefly explain, in one or two sentences, why it is an error in reasoning. 1. Mabel is not qualified to lead the school board because she used to drink liquor in her 20s. †¢ Ad hominem: committed by attacking the person whos making an argument, rather than the argument itself. One of the most common fallacies, it is a direct attack on a persons character rather than focusing on his or her arguments. Stating that Mabel used to drink that why she is not qualified it a person attack. 2. A child can be either an athlete or a good student. †¢ Either/Or: An oversimplification that assumingly reduces several alternatives to a mere binary opposition, basically means you only have two choices. You only have two choices of being a athlete or a good student. You can choose to be bad student if you wanted. 3. Any change in health care will lead to socialism; we don’t want to live in a socialist country, so we can’t reform health care. †¢ Slippery Slope (Bad Precedent): assuming that a proposed step will set off an uncontrollable chain of undesirable events. Changing health will lead to socialism is an extreme statement. 4. All teenagers text while they drive; therefore, we should raise the driving age to 21. †¢ Hasty Generalization: drawing conclusions from too little of evidence and often relying on stereotypes. Say all teenager text and drive, well some teenager don’t have a car and/or a cell phone. 5. If we don’t all drive hybrid cars, the world will end in the next decade because of environmental damage. †¢ Slippery Slope (Bad Precedent): assuming that a proposed step will set off an uncontrollable chain of undesirable events. That an extreme statement stating that the world will end because we’ll don’t drive hybrid. 6. Senator Range has been seen entering a strip club; therefore, his economic reforms are not plausible. †¢ Ad hominem: committed by attacking the person whos making an argument, rather than the argument itself. One of the most common fallacies, it is a direct attack on a persons character rather than focusing on his or her arguments. In this case strip club makes the senator economic reform wrong it a personal attack, degrading his character which will degrade his reforms as mediocre  or of no value to the public. 7. Everyone else is getting rid of TV, so we should too. †¢ Bandwagon: Just because everyone is doing it doesn’t make it right. We used to think that our planet was flat. 8. Because of the recent shootings in schools and theaters, we can conclude that these are inherently dangerous places that need more regulation. †¢ Begging the Question: an argument is held to be true because of practical truths and common sense. Common sense is sometimes correct, but all too many times all too commonly incorrect. 9. If you want a successful child, you should enroll him or her in as many early learning classes as possible. †¢ Creating false needs: emotional proof appeals to what people value and think they need. Advertisers often create a false sense of need in order to sell a product. 10. Music education is useless because it just teaches kids how to play music. †¢ Begging the question: restating the premise in the conclusion rather than disproving. Choose your answers from these eight fallacies. Note: Some of these will be used more than once. †¢ Begging the question †¢ Either-or †¢ Slippery slope †¢ Ad hominem †¢ Creating false needs †¢ Red herring †¢ Hasty generalization †¢ Bandwagon

Abington VS/ Schempp :: Free Essay Writer

Abington School District vs. Schempp Required School Prayer   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In 1949, a state-wide law was passed in Pennsylvania that required public school students to read scriptures from the Bible and recite the Lord’s Prayer everyday in class. This law stayed intact until Edward Schempp challenged it nine years later. Pennsylvania wasn’t the first or the only state to enforce law making it mandatory for students to read from the Bible during school. Twenty-five additional states had laws allowing â€Å"optional† reading for the Bible. But in eleven of the twenty-five states, courts had decided those laws were unconstitutional.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Mr. Schempp took the case to court in to 1958, claiming that required reading for the Bible and recitation of the Lord’s Pray prohibited free exercise of religion for his children, and was therefore unconstitutional, under the First Amendment. Mr. Schempp son, Ellory, stated under oath, that he didn’t not believe in Jesus Christ, or the Christian beliefs. He testified that ideas opposing to his were presented to him while he was at school in Abington High. He received punishment because he refused to stand at attention during the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer and when requested to leave during the exercise, his demands were denied.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One of the greatest witnesses was Rabbi Dr. Solomon Grayzel. Dr. Grayzel explained the psychological harm that could come from reading the New Testament without explanation. The context of the New Testament, without explanation of the work, had caused grievances in Jewish children while in similar required situations. This also came to show that if a Jewish child could be offended and upset by the Bible reading, any child of a family rejecting the principles of the Trinity and Jesus Christ would be equally offended, to the point that reading the Bible could be considered blasphemous.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In argument for the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer, they said that reading the Bible not only was essential to the building of good morals and development of the minds of impressionable school children, it was free to be interpreted anyway because of lack of comment and explanation. They claimed that the Bible was not a religious work, but when viewed from the eyes of a Christian, it did express the message of Christianity.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  This case bounced back and forth between Supreme Court and district court before eventually ending in 1963. Abington school district appealed to the Supreme Court after it was not satisfied with the verdict at district court level.

A Day Without Latinos

Nine percent of Utah’s population is Latino or Hispanic.   And, at least thirty percent of the households of Utah have a Latino or Hispanic individual present, regardless of whether the immigrant is living as a relative or working as a maid in the household (Overview, 2004).   Indeed, the Latinos are very hard working people.They are studying with other racial groups in schools and colleges, and although many of them feel that they are discriminated against, they have already proved themselves to be â€Å"a growing and developing economic power base† (Warner, 2004).   This means that the Latinos are rather important to the economy of Utah today.They are especially represented in the service industry.   Hotels, restaurants, the agricultural industry, construction and reconstruction – a variety of businesses are using the help of Latinos.   What is more, Latinos are paid less than the other workers are on average.   For every 72 cents given to a Latino for his or her work, a person from another racial group gets a dollar (Media).Now if all Latinos were to leave Utah for a day, the economy would most definitely slow down and experience loss.   There would be countless absentees in the workplace, school attendance would fall, and those that discriminate against the Latinos would breathe a sigh of relief.   Still, the economy would bear the brunt of the departure of the Latinos.In order to produce the goods and provide the services that the Latinos were previously helping businesses to produce and to provide, businesses would have to hire for a day workers that would charge more than the Latinos do.   Budgets would have to be changed, as businesses face a rise in their expenditures.Moreover, businesses might decide to cut the supply of their products because of the increase in expenditures.   It may also be that businesses would not find replacements for the Latinos through the day.   Hence, businesses would have to slow do wn if not close down for the day.   In the long run, the economy of Utah would be seen to have been affected by the departure of the Latinos for a day.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Utah, like all other states of America, thrives on diversity.   As a matter of fact, there is no state in America where diversity does not hold a very special place in the societal structure.People who are living with the Latinos, and those that study with young Latinos in schools and colleges would testify that Latinos do add value to their particular groups.When Latino maids in the home have to leave for a day, the mothers of the children for whom they had hired Latino maids, would also have to leave their workplaces in order to care for their children without maids.   This, too, would have an affect on the economy.   What is more, the value that Latinos add as family members is known only to the members of the households that Latinos occupy.A Latino wife or husband leaving home for a day might turn out to b e a problem for the spouse.   And, when the effects of the losses are accumulated taking into consideration the entire society, it may become obvious that Latinos are indeed an interwoven part of the societal fabric that cannot be torn apart without negative consequences.Those that discriminate against the Latinos of Utah might breathe a sigh of relief in the absence of the Latinos.   Still, when the effects on the economy are brought into full view, the people that discriminated against the Latinos would also be seen to have been affected by the loss.Latinos are today akin to an engine in a factory that cannot be done away with although there are many other engines in the same factory performing the same kinds of tasks in a different way.   Seeing that the first engine is present is evidence enough that the engine is important to the factory.   Similarly, Utah cannot imagine itself without Latinos at present.This racial group has become an indispensable part of the lives of people who occupy Utah, in addition to their livelihood.   Gladys Gonzales, the editor and publisher of Mundo Hispano, explains this indispensability thus: â€Å"We are bringing synergy to this state†¦ We are hard workers with an entrepreneurial spirit.   We want to contribute positively to this state and this country† (Warner).It is this positive attitude that has allowed the Latinos to be fairly successful in Utah, despite the problems that they might face in their personal or public lives.   Furthermore, the Latinos are expected to continue adding value to the society and the economy of the state.   Indeed, if the Latinos were to leave Utah for a day, they will be missed by their friends, employers, and customers in Utah.Even those that were displeased with the presence of the Latinos in Utah would face a loss as their favorite restaurants are closed down, and their businesses face an increase in expenditures.   Perhaps for such people, a day without Latino s would serve as a wake up call.   The Latinos would be anxiously awaited back in Utah.ReferencesMedia Contacts. â€Å"U of U Researcher Reports Latino Immigrants’ Experience in Utah to be Mixed.† University of Utah. Retrieved from http://www.utah.edu/unews/releases/05/jun/immigrants.html. (4 April 2007).Overview of Utah’s Hispanic/Latino Demographics. (2004). State Office of Ethnic Affairs. Retrieved from http://ethnicoffice.utah.gov/public_policy_and_research/documents/oea.his.lat.0505.pdf. (4 April 2007).Warner, Laura. (2004, March 27). â€Å"Bias exists, but Utah Latinos optimistic.† Deseret Morning News. Retrieved from http://deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,595052024,00.html. (4 April 2007).